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Beggars and Choosers: How the Politics of Choice Shapes Adoption, Abortion, and Welfare in the United States, by Rickie Solinger
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An impassioned argument for reproductive rights
In the late 1960s and early 1970s, advocates of legal abortion mostly used the term rights when describing their agenda. But after Roe v. Wade, their determination to develop a respectable, nonconfrontational movement encouraged many of them to use the word choice--an easier concept for people weary of various rights movements. At first the distinction in language didn't seem to make much difference-the law seemed to guarantee both. But in the years since, the change has become enormously important.
In Beggars and Choosers, Solinger shows how historical distinctions between women of color and white women, between poor and middle-class women, were used in new ways during the era of "choice." Politicians and policy makers began to exclude certain women from the class of "deserving mothers" by using the language of choice to create new public policies concerning everything from Medicaid funding for abortions to family tax credits, infertility treatments, international adoption, teen pregnancy, and welfare. Solinger argues that the class-and-race-inflected guarantee of "choice" is a shaky foundation on which to build our notions of reproductive freedom. Her impassioned argument is for reproductive rights as human rights--as a basis for full citizenship status for women.
- Sales Rank: #985720 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Hill and Wang
- Published on: 2002-09-18
- Released on: 2002-09-18
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.50" h x .69" w x 5.50" l, .89 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 304 pages
- ISBN13: 9780809028603
- Condition: New
- Notes: BRAND NEW FROM PUBLISHER! 100% Satisfaction Guarantee. Tracking provided on most orders. Buy with Confidence! Millions of books sold!
Amazon.com Review
Beggars and Choosers: How the Politics of Choice Shapes Adoption, Abortion, and Welfare in the United States is a thorough feminist history of public policy on abortion since Roe v. Wade, as well as a reconsideration of recent political strategy. Rickie Solinger's third book on reproductive rights hinges on a crucial semantic shift in the 1970s from "abortion rights" to the softer, less direct "choice" and "pro-choice," itself an attempt to shake off the awkward "pro-abortion" tag. While "rights" are undeniable, Solinger asserts, "choice" is a market-driven concept. "Historical distinctions between women of color and white women, between poor and middle-class women, have been reproduced and institutionalized in the "era of choice," she continues, "in part by defining some groups of women as good choice makers, some as bad."
Solinger also advances a troubling economic thesis about adoption, defined roughly as "the transfer of babies from women of one social classification to women in a higher social classification or group." Bracing and well-researched, Solinger's arguments should be considered by anyone working for women's and children's rights. --Regina Marler
From Publishers Weekly
Feminists need a paradigm shift, argues Solinger (Wake Up Little Susie;, The Abortionist), away from the post-Roe v. Wade concept of "choice" and back to the '60s concept of "rights," based on the approach of the civil rights movement, which argued that all citizens were entitled to vote, for instance, regardless of class status. "Choice" evokes a marketplace model of consumer freedom, she explains, while rights are privileges to which one is justly and irrevocably entitled as a human being. The shift from the language of rights to that of choice was deliberate, aimed at reducing the federal welfare tab and increasing the pool of adoptable children, which began to diminish after the early 1970s, Solinger argues. Once the pill and legal abortion were available, poor women could be considered "bad choice-makers" if they kept having babies they couldn't afford hardly the government's responsibility. (Never mind, Solinger observes, that many poor women can't afford either option and might want children, just as middle-class women do.) Is this progress? No, Solinger writes: "women with inadequate resources... must... have the right to determine for themselves whether or not to be mothers." With its crisp, jargon-free prose and copious footnotes, Solinger's reexamination of those twin bogeys the Back Alley Butcher and the Welfare Queen is a provocative read for any modern feminist.
Copyright 2001 Cahners Business Information, Inc.
From Library Journal
This work considers the issues of abortion, adoption, and welfare since the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision. Over the past 28 years, decisions on these issues have been increasingly framed not as rights but as choices, like consumer choices, which in theory can be limited. In addition, there has been consistent political pressure to shape and limit these choices. Solinger, the author of other works on reproductive politics (e.g., The Abortionist: A Woman Against the Law), points out that abortion can be had by those who do not expect it to be covered like other medical procedures but have the resources to pay for it themselves. Mothers can stay home to raise children if they have the resources, and middle-class mothers are encouraged to adopt from the less-advantaged again, because they have the resources. Because contraceptives, abortion, and adoption are available, poorer women who become mothers are assumed to be poor choice makers. While there are many books on the concept of choice, particularly relating to abortion, the juxtaposition of choice and class when considering women's reproductive rights makes for insightful reading. Recommended for women's rights advocates and scholars and students of public policy. Mary Jane Brustman, SUNY at Albany Libs.
Copyright 2001 Reed Business Information, Inc.
Most helpful customer reviews
10 of 15 people found the following review helpful.
Ambitious project but falls short in some places
By Robin Orlowski
Impressed by her earlier work in "Wake Up Little Susie" I purchased Ms. Solinger's reccent work with anticipation of equally dynamic thought. In this work, she suggests herself and other feminists have failed to permanently secure public policy victories previously gained because of replacement of "rights" with choice in the name of political expidiency.
Within the context of "choice" freedom is merited out to those groups of women that meet the dominant society's preferences. Race and ecconomic status have been used by politicians and political pundits to divide women from eachother---and most importantly, from being recognized as full citizens under the law.
The book's interweaving of abortion access, adequate welfare provisions, and ethical adoption is admirable, but it stands to be overshaddowed by critical ommissions and simplifications.
Identifying herself as a pro-choice woman of the baby boom generation, Solinger then audaciously claims the "Back Alley Butcher" was a PR creation, since conditions without legal abortion were never as bad as fellow feminists had suggested. Charging the phrase was rooted in political expediency, she somehow overlooks that a nation allowing women to be slaughtered and maimed wholesale in lieu of competent medical care can be easily seen to wage war on the very right of women to be treated as human beings and citizens.
This text gives the impression Solinger did not actually bother to test her political theory (adopted for whatever reason) against the gargantuan presence of illegal-abortion related injury and fatality statistics. Even though she has repeatedly reminded the reader of her staunchly pro-choice credentials, the information in this portion of the book sounds like an anti-reproductive rights broad side and therefore actually undercuts her own argument.
It is profoundly difficult to heed Solinger's call for a radical feminist overhaul of public policy when misinformation from the very classist and racist forces she opposes are held as sound historical research. Prior to the legalization of abortion, poor women of color were more likely to die from illegal procedures than their white affluent sisters.
In conclusion, this book would be acceptable when used in conjunction with a medium-sized reading list, but should never be studied as a single text on reproductive public policy.
13 of 25 people found the following review helpful.
Preliminarily thought-provoking but downhill from there
By P. Meltzer
To my mind, a book (whether fiction or non-fiction) deserves 1 star if it is just garbage, with no redeeming qualities at all. By that standard, this book is clearly not garbage. It is serious and scholarly, it is thought-provoking and it is well written by someone who clearly has expertise in the field. Beyond that however, I had some major problems both with her premise and her remedy (or, perhaps more accurately, her absence of a remedy).
Her central premise is that by phrasing the issue of childbirth in terms of choice, we do a disservice to poor women, because when they have children, we can then accuse them of having made a bad "choice"; whereas if we think of childbirth as a "right" as we did in the 60's, then, presumably, no negative stigma would attach to poor women having babies, since they were simply exercising "rights" rather than exercising "choice".
I disagree with this analysis on a number of levels. The problem is not "choice" vs. "rights", as if it were simply an issue of nomenclature; the problem is that we happen to live in a society and in a governmental system which is simply too democratic and too capitalist (read: too unsocialist) to ever be able to solve the problem she bemoans. And frankly, I'm not sure that I even agree that it's a "problem" in the first place.
My family and friends are not close to the socioeconomic class which Ms. Solinger is concerned with. Some of our friends have no children, some have 1, 2, 3, or 4 or more. And yet, whenever I hear them discussing whether or not to have another child, the issue ALWAYS arises: Can we afford to have another child? The couple in question may decide that they can afford to, but the point is the the discussion always comes up, and reasonably so. If we felt that we couldn't afford another child--or even one child--then we wouldn't have one. And what's the matter with that?
And yet, why should that issue be any different for poor people than for middle or upper class people? At one point near the end, the author says "it seems most Americans embrace a proposition that is profoundly problematic in a democratic society, that motherhood should be a class privilege." The problem with this lament--and indeed the problem with most of the book on this point--is that the supposed solution to this "problem" is nowhere to be found.
In the first part of the book, it seemed that Ms. Solinger was primarily unhappy with societal attitudes towards poor women who have children, which explains her dissatisfaction with the term "choice" over the concept of "rights". On that score, it is my view that even if the nomenclature changed, societal attitudes would not change one iota. However, by the end of the book, she seems to be saying that it is not fair, not right, not democratic, that economic stumbling blocks should get in the way of poor people's ability to have children. In other words, there was a shift from an argument about attitude towards an argument about economics. (See in particuar the final chapter about "motherhood as a class privilege" which is more or less the guts of the book.)
But where is she going with this argument? Though she never comes right out and says so in so many words, the implicit answer is obvious--she wants the government to subsidize the poor woman's "right" to bear children. But this is simply unworkable in America at least to the degree she would like. And where does it end? As I understand her preference, it is that every poor woman should be given a "livable" stipend by the government for each child, and then presumably we should multiply that stipend by the number of children, without limit. After all, it would be completely inconsistent with her argument to advocate some kind of arbitrary cutoff as to how many children a woman can have. After all, it childbirth is a "right", it goes without saying that you cannot impose an arbitrary cutoff as to how often that "right" can be exercised.
Last year, Ann Critenden wrote "The Price of Motherhood", which is subtitled "Why the most important job in the world is still the least valued." In that book, she presents a whole smorgasbord of proposals which would put more money in the pockets of women and more specifically, mothers. On the last page of the book, she acknowledges that if even a few of the proposals were enacted, the result would be, in her words, "a massive shift of income to women". Nearly all of her proposals would be paid for by the government in the form of enormous tax increases. Throughout much of the book, she waxes rhapsodically about Sweden and their "enlightened" system.
I mention this because I feel that Ms. Solinger's book falls into the exact same category. While not being quite as blunt as Ms. Crittenden, she is in essence saying the same thing--the government should pay for the costs of bearing and raising children of poor women and pay them alot more than it does now. The problem is that we do not live in a quasi-socialist society like Sweden with its crushing tax burdens. Nor is that bad thing. In any society as free and laissez-faire and democratic as America, it is a guarantee that people will fall on all ends of the spectrum. But if she really wants the government to step in to the massive degree which is implicit in her argument, then perhaps she simply doesn't like our form of government. And perhaps that is her real complaint-not whether we speak in terms of "choice" versus "rights."
4 of 4 people found the following review helpful.
Thought-Provoking and Eye-Opening
By Charlie
This book tackles extremely difficult issues without resorting to "easy" answers. Solinger deals deftly with the ways in which parenthood is a class-based privilege, using the model of reproductive "choice" (as opposed to a rights-based model) to frame her argument. Most notably, Solinger discusses how women whose reproductive options are constrained by their lack of resources, and the children of those women, become commodified and erased in a "marketplace" where others' greater (primarily financial) resources provide expanded latitude and legitimacy for their choices, creating a dynamic wherein adoption frequently eclipses the rights of birthparents and babies in favor of more privileged childless couples.
Solinger persuasively argues that the shift after Roe v. Wade from a rights-based to a choice-based argument about abortion engendered a marketplace approach to human reproduction, where the menu of options available to an individual is largely dictated by their degree of wealth.
A fascinating and convincing read.
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